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The News and Observer. VOL. XLVI. NO. 1.50. mm 111 NORTH CAROLINA DAIUEB 11 lEIS 111 CIRCULATE. BRYAN WILL LEAD THE FIGHT IN OHIO Unification of Party Looked for There, ON CHICAGO PLATFORM TIME FOR BITTERNESS AND RE VENGE PAST. CROKERS’ TRIBUTE TO BRYAN SIGNIFICENT New York no Longer Recognized as the Ene my’s Country. Bryan the Candidate in 1900 With no Modification of the Platform. (James Oreelman, in N. Y. Journal.) Cincinnati, Ohio, Aug. 28. —The most tremendous fact iu the political situation today seems to lx* that Ohio is likely to •be the scene of a great unification In the Democratic party. With the nomi nation of John R. McLean for Gover nor, on a platform indorsing Bryan and reaffirming the Chicago platform, tha rank and file of the party will be re united. Mr. Bryan will come to Ohio and lead the fight. Those who formerly were known as gold Democrats will be found working heartily for the candidates nominated by the Chicago platform Democrats and Populists. Senator Hanna’s almost in credibly brutal and corrupt methods have made it impossible for self-respect ing gold Democrats to support his can didate for Governor. Thousands of Republicans have been driven from their party by Mr. Hanna. There are fanat ics among the free silver men who still whoop and snort at every sign of recon ciliation with the funner gold Demo crats and denounce them as agents of Wall street, but the really able and re sponsible leaders are glad to assist iu re-assembling the Democratic forces. ALL OF ONE SENTIMENT. I have talked Very freely, not only with Mr. Bryan, but with much more radical men, like Alt geld. Everywhere I find the same Sentiment, that the time for revenge and' bitterness is past, and that every man who calls himself a 'Democrat must submit to the rule of the majority in his party or cease to call himself a Democrat. Let no man in the Eastern States deceive himself for a moment regarding the present state of facts, or the prospects for the imme diate future. The National Convention will be held within eight mouths, and no change can be effected between now and then. Mr. Bryan will be renominated, the Chicago platform will be read opted, the imperial policy of the Republican party in the Philippines will be denounced and a specific legislative remedy for the trust evil proposed. The Democratic party is overwhelmingly committed to this course, and I fail to find a sign of real opposition. If Mr. Bryan is alive next summer he will be the Democratic can didate for President. Democrats in the Bast had better realize now the utter futility of attempting to secure a modi fication of the party’s financial policy. The free coinage of silver and gold at the present ratio of 1G to 1 is an immova ble fact in the Democratic creed. PLATFORM TO PLEASE ALL. Many of the Western and Southern leaders say that they do not expect a Democrat in a strong gold standard community in the Least to stake every thing on free silver, but they do expect him to loyally accept the Democratic platform as a whole, and if he cannot light for any one plank In It, at best he will find a sufficient creed and ade quate issues iu anti-imperialism, anti trust ism l , the income tax, opposition to government by injunction and official arbitration of disputes between capi tal ami labor. I find in my journeying that a great deal of bitterness has vanished situs* IS9G. Mr. Croker’s significant tribute to Mr. Bryan is taken everywhere as a sign that the plain people or New York, and of the East generally, have real ized the genuineness and nobility of Mr. Bryan’s character and the patriot ism of his million's of supporters in the West and South. The effect of Mr. Croker’s utterance through the .Tour ntal really is remarkable. The Western and Southern leaders know that Mr. Croker seldom takes a stand until be is sure how the plain people of New York feel. They know that the Tam many leader has more than once car ried the metropolis at the polls against (the combined position of the press, and they believe he is a surer judge of the masses iu New York than almost any other man. In the East and South New York is no longer recognized as “the enemy’s country.” NEW YORK WILL ACQUIESCE. Mr. Bryan and his friends are satis fied that whatever the delegates from New York State may propose in the National Convention they will loyally acquiesce in the decision of the ma jority. That decision can be stated now with practical certainty, and Democrats wSto have l>oen nourishing themselves on the hope that the ratio is to be omitted from the free silver plank had better give up the delusion. If there is any man who Mill refuse to support Mr. Bryan and the Chicago platform with the added issue of anti imperialism that man had la tter make up his mind now that Ills only alter native will lx* President McKinley, imperialism, Hanna and the gold standard. Most, of the former gold Democrats in Ohio realize the situa tion, and are getting ready to accept the Democratic platform as a whole. “EXIT THE GREAT AGNOSTIC.” To the Editor: Since the days of Vol ney, Voltaire, Paine and Hume, no one has cut a broader snath in the field of agnosticism than Col. R. G. Ingersoll, whose inglorious career recently was so suddenly closed iu the State of New York. In some respects he was the most dangerous of the quartette, being pan oplied as he was with so many variegat ed gifts, and a personnel embracing both the ‘suaviter in inode’ and fortiter iu re— a tout ensemble, fitted for the unfor tunate task of entlmsing and misleading the impulsive and plastic minds of the youth n’ith whom he came in contact — of commanding and attractive person ality—brilliant mentality, logical rea soning, persuasive oratory embellished with apt witticisms he never failed of at tracting large and intelligent assembly* of young men, M ho in their depraved na ture Mere cheerfully reudy to embrace any sophistry M’hic'h cleared the way for personal indulgence unattended with sug gestion of future punishment. Here the deadly upas took root and spread its poisonotls miasma. It is becoming too common to eulogize the dead at the expense of truth aud public safety, front strained construc tion of charity; hence we combat not the man, but the false doctrines he promul gated iu his capacity as public teacher, unattended as they Mere by any evidence —mythical surmising. As the world goes he was a brilliant success, but at last when he went down under the relentless scythe of the ‘Great Reaper’ he fell a broken shaft, an unfinished pyramid, a miracle of genius, a dethroner of hope. Painful as it is M’e must in honest candor place him in the niche he is to unfortunately occupy. We cannot force ourselves to the con clusion that primarily he Mas a disbe liever, believing as we do the Creator at some period in every man’s existence il luminates his benighted being, through tin* direct radiance of spiritual truth, but this refused, be may be led to believe a lie and be lost. We surmise, too, that the Colonel Mas unfortunate in his chosen environments, environments which fostered and encouraged his dangerous position. One thing seems to be a rea sonable deduction: with all his grace of person, and charm of manner and his multiform benefactions, he must have, under the instigation of the great Arch Enemy, formed an intense hatred for the God M’ho made him, else he would not have labored so assidiously to subvert His cause —a subversion which, if he could have effected, would have carried with it our boasted civilization, with all its privileges, immunities, and blessings, and sadly invested us Mith the orphan age of hope. Failing in liis mission he sunk into the icy arms of death, unpre pared, “unwept, unhonored and unsung.” After soM’ing so many seeds of moral leprosy, and placing the poisoned chalice to so many lips of the young manhood of his country, it is a fearful thing to ap pear before the Great Court of Assize Mith one’s own short comings, but to bear the accumulated weight of thou sands is an idea so fraught Mith horror we forbear to enlarge upon it. Whilst M’e in the sublimity of our faitih have never feared the ability of the com bafors of Christianity to wrench ns from our moorings or that its essentials would Is* weakened through any malev olent machinations of men, yet wt* know through such agencies many have been engulfed in irretrievable disaster. Even England’s great poet, the versa tile Lord Byron, in some respects oceu p ed a like place to Col. Ingersoll in his influence over impressionable natures, through the medium of the passionate strains of his inimitable poesy—poesy in some parts suggestive of immoral life, and antagonistic to high ideals, yet lie, in taking a retrospective review of his restless career sang in tones of mourn ful cadence — “The thorns that I’ve reaped Are of the tree I planted, They have torn me and I bleed; I might have kuoM’u what fruit Would spring from such seed.” At another time he virtually confesses to man’s infirmity and tlu* existence of a higher i>ower, M’hen he says— “A spark of that immortal tire, By Angels shared, by Allah given To lift from earth our loM’ desire.” It Mould have lifted his’ had he not, in his weakness and love of pleasure al lowed tlu* carnal to dominate the spirit ual of liis 'being. Thus we often find among the brave, the generous, the im pulsive, men Morthy of a better fate go down through unwillingness to curb the fleeting passions of the hour. Again, unfortunately, too many con clude that as almoners of charity, aud adherents of the conventionalities of life, a passport will he furnished them to tlu* blissful regious of the “Great Be yond,” but alas, may realize when too late, their great mistake; and then “Beyond the wreck of years Spend an eternity of tears.” JNO. D. THOMAS. Littleton, N. C., August 10, 1899. LITERARY NOTES. Messrs. Barbee & Smith, Nashville, Tenn., and Dallas, Texas, will publish, about the middle of September, “An Autumn Lain* and Other Poems,” a uew volume by Will T. Hale, the Southern poet whoso verse has been familiar to the public for a number of years. It is said that the book will contain the poet’s lu*st work, some of which upitears for tlu* first time. It will Ik* a handsome volume, in the lK*St style of the book binder's art. RALEIGH, NORTH CAROLINA, SUNDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 3, 1899. BILL ARP'S TOPICS Bill Thinks Dreyfus is Inno cent and Being Persecuted. TALKS ABOUT THE WAR The Negro Problem is Discussed. Some Districts Where There is no Trouble. It is indeed singular how much sym pathy and w’hat an intense interest the trial of Dreyfus has exerted all over the civilized uorld. The life or the lile erty of but one man—a Jew of no great consequence—is at stake, and yet the M’orld looks on Mitli more concern than is given the Philippine war, where thou sands have died in battle since the trial of Dreyfus began. The great heart of the people blieves (the Jew is innocent and is being persecuted by the military because lie is a Jew. Civilians every- M’here are getting more and more jeal ous of the military power, and well they may lie, for it is aggressive, cruel and intolerant u’hen not kept under re straint. The long suffering of Dreyfus has in tensified the pity of mankind and re calls the plea that Shakespeare makes for Shyiock, “I am a Jew; hath not a Jew eyes and hands, senses, affections, passions. If you prick us do we not bleed. If you poison us do we not die?” This persecution has bee© going on for five years and the end Is not yet in sight. It reminds us of the historic trial of Warren Hastings that began in April, 1790, and continued until April, ’95. Never was a man so unjustly assail ed. The sublimest oratory and logic of Burke and Fox and Sheridan came down upon him with M’ithering and piti less force. Burke «jK>ke three days and amazed the M’orld with his matchless eloquence, and the M’orld pronounced Hastings guilty before any evidence had been introduced, for Burke's speech M as an exordium, a presentation of the bill of indictment. Poor Hastings, frail, small and sickly, knelt at the bar and there heard the terrible denunciations of his accusers. The English nation was against him and even his friend and pat ron, William Pitt, deserted him, Hast ings, as governor general of India, had not pleased the party in power and Mas to Is* made a victim. That was poli tics then, and it is politics n«M\ It was like the execution of Mrs. Surratt and Captain Wurz in 1805, for two more in nocent persons could not have been found, but the thirsty public demanded some victims and these were chosen. In 1795 Hastings Mas triumphantly acquit ted on every charge and public opinion had already turned in his favor. Lord Maeauley says that he administered the Indian government with more than the capacity of Richelieu, and John Stuart Mill says he Mas the best governor that India ever had. Well now, if Dreyfus can have such a happy ending to his long suffering and trial the world Mill be satisfied. Labori is already a hero—tile brightest star in the galaxy, lie has made no blunder in act or speech during his long and ardu ous labors and when lie declares with folded arms and glistening eyes and im passioned voice that Dreyfus is innocent the M’orld believes him. If In* Is again condemned, France will be disgraced and degraded in the eyes of the great powers of the M’orld. A government that cannot save one innocent man cannot save itself M’hen revolution comes. The next biggest thing before us is the everlasting war that, like Banquo’s ghost, will not down. It drags its slow length along from day to day and week to week until its blood and cost have almost ceased to agitate us and only its politics is considered. The question up permost is will it roll McKinley in again or roll him out. Imperialism is a lugger presidential issue than silver or the tariff. But just noM’ the question that seems to concern the South is what shall be done M"ith the negro. In some portions of the country then* is no disturbance, no friction, no outrages of any kind. The tM’o races are getting along as peace ably as in the years gone by. There are whole counties down in lower Geor gia and M’hole districts in sonic of the Western States whew* the negroes as a mass are industrious and humble and give no trouble. In upper South Caro lina there is peace and harmony save an occasional disturbance that bad men like the Tolberts provoke. Most of tlu* outrages that provpke the lynchlngs <-onu* from negro tramps M’ho have no settled home, no family, nor occupation, but go arid conn* M’hen they please. They are tlie scum of the towns and cities —the overflow —for cities breed crime and corruption, both among whites and blacks. The last r<*i>ort of our prison commission shows that seven counties M’itli our seven largest cities furnish one third of all our convicts. Fulton coun ty alone has 281. The more remote from these pestilential centers of crime the fewer convicts. Pickens, Tow’iis and Gilmer have none. Tmclvo coun ties have but twenty-four. It Is re markable that some counties in the black belt M’here negroes predominate show so good a record. Quitman has hut two convicts, and perfect peace and good will prevails between the races, and the negroes do m u there took as much pride in file display and success of the late agricultural convention as did the whites. Now the question is if such harmony exists in Quitman why cannot it -exist olscm here? Ts it a set tled fact that tlu* two races cannot live together? For one I am not yet pre pared to admit it. There are thousands of negroes all over tlu* South Mho are docile, hiM-abiding, respectful and indus trious, and their labor is needed. If Northern fools, fanatics am! politicians would let them and us alone T feel sure we could get alolig in peace. It is not fair to judge the Mihole race by the ex ceptions that show up here and there. Force them out of politics, establish the whipping post and enforce the vagrant laM’ and in five years there Mill be no outrages, no lynching* and the number of convicts will be reduced 50 per cent. I believe this. If the enforcement of these laws reached some bad white men let them suffer the penalties. The time has come when M’e must purge and puri fy the ballot box just as M’e now purge the jury box. In some of the States the ballot is hedged around with a property qualification of .s.‘loo and the ability to read and write. It should go farther and require a good moral char acter just as the jury box does. We all know many good negroes who should tie allowed to vote and some bad white men who should not. The devil is not dead. Not very long ago I troubled myself and sjh'ht. some money in getting a white man pardoned out of the ehaingang be cause his poor wife importuned me. He hadn’t liven out a month before he got into another row and u-as put in the calaboose. There Mere two cows in the pound near the calaboose and next morning when the marshal went after Pat to take him before the mayor Pat was not in, but the cows were. The devilish rascal had got a skeleton key and unlocked himself out and locked the com’s in and now my friends joke me about Pat and call him my pet and I am out. of the pardon business. Well, now that man is not fit to vote, for he has deserted his family and won’t work. The negro paper says that Richard Price, Governor Atkinson’s faithful body servant, stole the governor’s gold Match the day he died and now’ lan guishes in Newman jail. Don't that cap the climax? A good bid negro by the name of Moody died here a feM’ days ago and Mas buried M’ith great cere mony. His sons came from abroad to attend the funeral, and one of them Mas so overcome with grief that he declared he could not liear to see Ills dear old father put down in the cold, cold grave and so he staid at the house to weep and mourn. But when the family re turned he had stolen the old man’s best clothes and everything else of value and gone off oh the train. Well, 1 don’t think that his sort should In* allowed to vote, do you? One table in this prison report sur prises me and that is the great Increase of burglaries over simple larceny by the negroes. Seven hundred and ninety-two convicts are in for burglary and only 50 for larceny. I suppose the explana tion is" that for small stealing they are sent to the county chaiugangs and put to work on the public roads. For the un mentionable crime or its attempt there are 178 convicts. Judge Lynch does not get them all by a long shot. The prison report is interesting and instructive reading and shows the most careful and humane treatment of the convicts. The commission with General Evans at its bead, are all kind, Chris tian gentlemen, and; no State in the Union can show a better record of its prisoners, both male and female. But it is impossible to keep up with the lies and slanders that are circulated by Northern politicians and Southern negro editors and educators. It is all a scheme to get money from the North ern duties. Even as notable a woman as the wife of Booker Washington, Mho is chairman of the executive committee of the National Association of Colored Women, says in her published address, “‘The white people preach and point to the immorality of young colored girls and yet the white people themselves are to blame for this condition of affairs, for in this convict lease system the girls and women are not only worked in the field M’ith men, but are shut up at night in the same cells uitli them. Can you expect a imor, ignorant colored girl to he pure and virtuous u’hen she is shut in night after night with a man?” General Evans writes me that no such condition exists in Georgia, nor has ever existed, and that for ten years past the female convicts have not even been worked on farms with the men, but have been leased to separate contractors who work none but the women on a farm. The women (about sixty in num ber) work together, eat together, sleep together and are absolutely separated from men and boys and are on entirely different farms. These women are not confined in cells at all, but live in a house far more comfortable than they lived in before their conviction. The men and women «lo not meet at all at any time or anywhere. How is that? What explanation can that woman make? What can Booker Washington say about it? He had bet ter say something about it, for he has had the support and encouragement of the Southern people and he Mill be held responsible for such malignant slanders. This prison report shows that 40 per cent of the convicts can read and write. That 45 per cent are married. That 90 per cent are betM’een the ages of seventeen and twenty-seven. That only forty M’ere in slavery before the war and only eighteen are old enough to remember what slavery was. This reports shows over 4.000 colored convicts, including the county chain gangs, and GOO of these are from Pulton county. Atlanta seems to be a good nursery for crime. Another singular table iu the report is called the table of “recidivists,” which means, I suppose, the "return ers.” There are 2G9 serving a second term; 47 a third term; <> a fourth term and 3 a fifth term. They seem to like the business. A good M’liippdng or two or three good whippings would have stopped all those recidivists. If a man likes one kind oT punishment so m»*11 as to go back to it. it would be well to change it and let him try another. But let us keep on agitating and dis cussing and let no man I mast that lu* knows it all, for In* doesn't. BIEL ANT. There are times when a man would he appreciated more if he would keep his mouth shut and let his money talk. SECTION ONE— Pages 1 to 4, IGHOOAHT AND VICIOUS BARRED The Amendment Discrimi nates Against These Only, BE THEY WHITE OR BLACK STATE’S RIGHT TO REGULATE THE ELECTIVE FRANCHISE. NO COURT HAS POWER TO OBSTRUCT IT If the Amendment is Adopted it Will be Part of the Organic Law of the Common wealth no Court May Destroy. (Extract from a letter M’ritten by a native of North Carolina, Mho has re sided for fifty years in another State.) The Constitutional Amendment has been discussed as if it were a series of distinct and independent enactments. It is, however, not a legislative enact ment, but a proposition to the people to amend their charter of government. It is well known that Constitutions adopted by the people of a State are not to be construed according to the technical rules which prevail in the interpretation of statutes. They are held to mean what the people intended, when they adopted them. The mass of the people art* not lawyers, and do not measure their words by subtle aud technical rules. Reason requires that their lan guage should be interpreted, according to the meaning which it bears iu the ordinary understanding of men engaged in the ordinary* pursuits of life. But if the amendment were a statute subject to technical rules, it would be necessary to consider it as an entirety. It Mould thus be seen that it is a pro posal for u restriction of the elective franchise. It is a governmental plan; a scheme to be carried into effect in all its parts, without change, addition or diminution. It is not competent for the lieople to adopt one part and reject another; they must take the M’hole or none. If they accept it they say, in effect, We Mish this u’hole instrument as a part of our Constitution, and we adopt it M’ithout modification iu the slightest particular. Let us consider this question a little further. The Amendment dis franchises certain classes of vicious and ignorant voters. The second section ex cludes the criminals therein mentioned. The fourth and fifth sections deal with ignorance. This subject is regarded under two heads, to-wit: illiteracy aud absence of knowledge of public affairs. The two taken together impose a dis qualification for voting. Knowledge may be obtained by other methods in addition to reading; such as conversation Mith intelligent persons, hearing lectures aud discourses and listening attentively to public discussions. It is well known that many individuals M ho iare unable to read and write have a shrewd knowledge of business 'affairs, and are able in these matters to try conclusions successfully with those who are far superior in the education derived from books. Learning and wisdom are not the same. The vot ers of tlu* State of North Carolina have always been foml of hearing public de bates on the stump by candidates for public office. Those M’ho could not read and M’rite obtained much information re garding the public questions of the day, and by reflecting on them and conversing M’itli friends and neighbors they Mere enabled to form an intelligent opinion on the subjects submitted to their votes. It appeared proper to the framers of this amendment that men having this sort of knowledge should not be excluded from the elective franchise. Their proposal is one and indivisible; that those M’ho could not read and write, and M’ho did not have the knowledge naturally ac quired from thirty years of voting ought to be disfranchised. The proposition cannot Ik* divided without destroying its effect. To accept one part and reject the other would make a provision which Mas not intended, and would accomplish something entirely contrary to what M’as intended. No rational person Mould sup pose that this was fair or just. Most certainly no court of justice Mould ever construe any document, whether deed, statute or constitutional amendment, so iis to declare that it was to have effect contrary to its obvious, natural and un mistakable meaning. The framers of this amendment thought that the chil dren and lineal descendants of those voters for thirty years Mould learn enough from their parents to qualify them for the right of suffrage. This may be Mise, or it may Ik* unwise, but it is their proposal to tlie people; and the question is exclusively for the decision of the people at the polls. The Fifteenth Amendment of the Federal Constitution provides that “the right to vote shall not be abridged or denied on account of race, color or previ ous conditions of servitude.” That is to say that these circumstances shall not he made a mark or discrimination which shall take away or restrict th& right of voting. It may Ik* said that the fram ers of the Amendment to the State Constitution desired to exclude vicious and ignorant negroes from the hullot box. Be it so. It is to be hoped that no decent man in North Carolina de sires their admission. Vice and ignor ance are not attractive, whether clothed in a black or a white skin. But the de sires of the framers of this amendment art* not in question; nor the desires of PRICE FIVE C § 4. the supporters of tk. ndment. The real 'question is whether me people have the right and power to adopt it as part of their organic law. And this is re solved into the question whether they have the right aud poM’er to prohibit vicious and ignorant people from voting. The proposed amendment unquestiona bly will do this; and it will prohibit none but the vicious and ignorant, M’hether they Ik* white or black. All men, white as well as black, are excluded from the ballot box, M’ho come within the inhibi tions of the second section. All men, white as well as black, are likewise ex cluded who are described by the dis qualifying clauses of the fourth and fifth sections. When a provision oper ates on all classes alike, it would be silly in the extreme to say that it operates as a discrimination against one particu lar class. When the law prescribes the punishment of death for murder, f.nd negro is executed under the law, it is silly to say that the law punishes him on account of his color. If more ne groes than M’hite people are executed, it is because negro criminals are more numerous. If more negroes than white people are disfranchised by this Amend ment, it is because convicts and ignorant persons are more numerous among them. But this circumstance does not invali date the Amendment; nor is it an argu ment for admitting vice and ignqptliice to the ballot box. I am here in a remote part of the Alleghany mountains, where I have no access to law books of any kind, but I am fully convinced from reason and from the recollections of half a century of diligent study of the law that the following propositions are demonstrably true: First. That the people of North Caro lina have never surrendered to the Gen eral Government their right to regulate the elective franchise, except so far as the provisions of the Fifteenth Amend ment extend. Second. That therefore they have the right to adopt or reject the proposed Amendment, according to their own will and pleasure. Third. That, as a further conse quence, the Amendment, if adopted, will be part of the organic law, and that no court, State or Federal, has the power to obstruct, delay or defeat it. A STORY OF MOZART. The old German professor who lives next door is fond of relating stories — stories flavored with bits of life in dear “Vaterlaud,” bearing good will from soul to soul and tenderness of heart as well, but the story of Mozart and the little wooden shoe is a favorite, and as interesting, if not as wonderful as the mythical tale of Cinderella and the glass slipper. In the days M’hen Mozart was composer to the imperial court at Vien na, there came to the palace a young peasant woman, desirous of seeiug the great musician. Mozart instantly remembered her as a former servant in his father’s family, and received her with kindness. But the grandeur with which she found Mo zart surrounded awed and frightened her, aud it Mas M’ith much timidity she made known the purport of her visit, recalling to his mind a promise made by him to a little servant maid that on her wedding day he would present her M’ith a gift. The story says that Mozart M as equal ly touched and amused by the simple faith of the little servant maid, aud on learning that, her manage was to take place at no distant day, bade her, with a merry smile, to return to her home and fetch him one of her little M’oodeu shoes. She departed, wondering much and not a little disappointed, but, neverthe less, she brought the little M’ooden shoe to Mozart. Aid then a transformation resulted. It Mas Mozart’s own hands that wrought a M’onder out of that little wooden shot*. With file and plane the ugly unevenness Mas brought to a smooth, delicate perfectness; so perfect that by a touch it gave forth a low, melodious hum. Strings M’ere drawn taut across the polished surface, and M’ith many a light, caressing thrum be tuned and toned, and lo! the little M’ood en shoe Mith melody aud music rang. And Mozart gave a great concert, aud the vast hall Mas not sufficient to give standing room to the people Mho came to listen to tlu* music of the littb* M’ooden slhm*. And the marriage gift that Mozart presented to the little maid ser vant was a royal one. indeed—the pro ceeds of the wonderful concert. HE HAD A CLAIM. (Greensboro Reflector.) Sometime ago Register of Deeds T. R. 'Moon* received a letter from a man, in another town that read as follows, except we do mot give the names: Dear Sir: 1 have a license to marry Miss and forbid you issuing a license to marry her to anybody else. The letter was so unusual that the register put it a May to keep as a souve nir. REFLECTIONS OF A BACHELOR. (New York Press.) If a girl can’t find any other excuse for getting married she’ll say she ought to do it because her angel mother did if. • If a girl knows how to darn stockings and make chocolate candy she never has any doubts about her fitness to be the mother of nine children. One way a woman has of making a man feel sorry for what he has said is to sit down suddenly in the wet grass and them a*sk him if he isn’t ashamed of himself for making her do it. If women Mere as keen about knowing M’heu they don’t love a man but think they do as they are about knoM’ing when a man loves them buit doesn’t think he does they would never marry any body.
The News & Observer (Raleigh, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Sept. 3, 1899, edition 1
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